The Federal Index

The Executive Branch & All of Congress

A senator represents an entire state — so they’re scored on the same verified state outcomes as the governor, ranked against other senators, alongside their own legislative record. House members represent a district, so their district scoring waits on district-level data rather than borrowing the state’s.

One grade, five parts — up to 5 measured today. A senator is graded on the bills they move (40%), how the state they serve has fared on their watch (33%, capped — influence is shared with 99 colleagues, the governor and a world economy), their fiscal votes priced by CBO (13%, counted only with at least three recorded votes on scored laws), attendance (13%, counted from the roll calls each chamber publishes about itself — per-Congress, never a lifetime rate), and promise-keeping (0%). We never fill a blank with a guess: an unmeasured part is reserved, its weight is never redistributed, and the “measured” column says how much of the grade is real.

91 of 100 seated senators are graded; the other 9 have no verified Legislative Effectiveness Score and appear in the roster only, never with a guessed number. Ranks are unique because the sort breaks every tie, but the grades behind them often are not: 20 of 90 adjacent pairs here print the same σ. Read the σ, not the gap in rank. The region block reuses the governor peer math — a state trend vs. the other 49, over the years of the senator’s Senate service each series actually covers (not the same window for every metric) — plus the state’s current condition, weighted by length of service. Bills use the Legislative Effectiveness Score (Center for Effective Lawmaking), rank-normalized within chamber and majority status so the grade reflects lawmaking, not who holds the gavel. A dash means the block was not measured; 0.00 means it was measured and landed at the median. How the grade works →

House members are graded on bills (40%) and, where a member has at least three recorded votes on CBO-scored laws, their fiscal votes (13%) — how far the legislation they sponsor actually moves, and the deficit footprint of the laws they voted for. A representative serves a district, not a state, so they are never handed their state’s outcomes, and no honest district trend exists yet (redistricting redrew 57 districts, leaving at most three data points on current lines). Participation is defined in the rubric but not yet counted. The measured share runs 53–67% and the “measured” column says so on every row.

358 of 433 seated representatives are graded; the other 75 have no verified Legislative Effectiveness Score and show in the full roster below, never with a guessed number. Ranks are unique because the sort breaks every tie, but the grades behind them frequently are not: 201 of 357 adjacent pairs here print the same σ, so a gap of a few places is not a difference. A dash means the block was not measured; 0.00 means it was measured and landed at the median.

The Compare boxes on the boards above build a side-by-side of up to four members of the same chamber — or open the comparison desk directly.