U.S. Senator, Missouri · Republican · in office since Jan. 3, 2023
Eric Schmitt
U.S. Senator · Missouri · Republican · in the Senate since Jan. 2023
Overall grade · among senators
−0.10σ
No. 59 of 91 · 1 other at the same σ · 30% of the grade measured
How this grade is built
30%Bills they move (LES, 118th Congress)−0.10
25%Missouri: how it moved on their watchreserved
10%Fiscal votes (CBO-scored laws)reserved
25%Alignment (promises vs. votes)reserved
10%Attendance (missed votes)reserved
Missouri outcomes during their Senate service · scored 2023–2025
Category
Latest
Score vs. peers
Education scale score
270.4 ’24
Too early
Air quality AQI
42 ’24
Insufficient data
Water quality % of systems with a violation
5.7 ’25
+0.10σ*
Unemployment %
4 ’25
−0.02σ*
Health coverage % of adults 18-64 uninsured
8.2 ’24
Insufficient data
Tax burden % of personal income
4.4 ’24
+0.49σ*
Energy cost cents/kWh
12.9 ’24
Insufficient data
Cost of living index, US=100
90.8 ’24
Insufficient data
Homicide age-adjusted deaths per 100,000
9.4 ’24
Insufficient data
Teen births per 1,000 females 15-19
15.9 ’24
Insufficient data
Wellbeing mean poor-mental-health days of 30
5.4 ’24
Insufficient data
Obesity % of adults
34.6 ’24
Too early
Early literacy % of 4th-graders below basic
42.1 ’24
Too early
Gun deaths age-adjusted deaths per 100,000
19.6 ’24
Insufficient data
Food-aid access index (higher = easier access)
0.7 ’23
Too early
Jobless-benefit access % of unemployed receiving UI
16.2 ’24
Insufficient data
Scoring windows run 2023–2025 and differ by metric — none starts before 2023, the year Schmitt entered the Senate. “Latest” is a different year by metric (2023–2025); every row states its own. Each row’s window, source and last-checked date are behind its ? button.
Their own record
Value
Legislative effectiveness LES · chamber avg = 1.0 · 118th Congress
0.58
Missed votes lifetime, all service (GovTrack)
2.5%
Ideology 0 = left · 1 = right · 119th Congress sponsorship analysis (GovTrack)
0.80
Promises kept
In human review
A senator’s constituency is the whole state, so they are scored on the same verified state outcomes as the governor — ranked against other senators — alongside their own legislative record. Influence is shared with 99 colleagues and the governor; the score shows relative movement, not sole credit. Methodology v2.5
The Rundown
No. 59 of 91 senators — on the 30% of the grade we can actually measure.
Bills that move. A Legislative Effectiveness Score of 0.58 — the scale is set so each chamber averages 1.00, and it counts only the bills a member sponsors themselves and how far each one gets. The grade scores that against members of the same chamber on the same side of the majority, so it reflects lawmaking rather than who holds the gavel: the same score sits differently in the majority than out of it. Measured over the 118th Congress, now complete.
Not counted — 70% of the rubric. fiscal votes (10%): needs recorded votes on at least 3 laws carrying a CBO deficit estimate; 1 so far · promise-keeping (25%): promise/position alignment publishes only after two agreeing human reviews · attendance (10%): needs per-Congress missed votes; our figure is lifetime · state/district outcomes (25%): the scored Missouri window inside their Senate service is too short to attribute a trend
So Schmitt is graded on bills alone — not a verdict on a career. Senators can also be scored on their state's outcomes — Schmitt's state block is reserved for the reason above. Everything reserved above publishes the moment it can be measured fairly, and never before.
When Schmitt first took office in 2023, the federal debt stood at $30.93 trillion (end of fiscal 2022; Treasury). As of 2026-08-06 it is $39.89 trillion (Treasury, daily). That rise spans presidents, majorities and economies — it belongs to no single member, which is why it is context here and part of no grade. What is Schmitt’s own: their recorded votes when the major fiscal bills came through, beside what the Congressional Budget Office estimated each law would do to deficits.
Total public debt outstanding, fiscal 2022–present, in nominal dollars — no adjustment for inflation or the size of the economy, so early decades understate their era’s burden. Y-axis starts at zero. Source: Treasury.
Debt figures as of the data refresh on 2026-08-08. These same votes feed the grade’s fiscal-conduct block (10%, methodology v2.5) — the debt itself feeds nothing: it belongs to no single member, and only their own votes are scored. The change is preregistered and dated in the changelog.
The promise ledger
The evidence base for the promise-keeping block of the grade — the 25% shown as reserved on the card above. What Schmitt said they would do, in their own words, beside what they did. Said-columns hold verbatim quotes only, from dated, linkable sources, and publish only after two agreeing human reviews — the methodology’s bar, and the reason a column may be empty: the bar does not move to fill it.
In their speeches
No promise from a speech has been published for Schmitt. One appears here only as a verbatim quote from a dated transcript, and only after two agreeing human reviews — the column stays empty until something clears that bar. The raw material is public meanwhile: search C-SPAN’s video archive for Schmitt →
In their advertising
None published yet — same bar as speeches. The public archives are searchable now: the Meta Ad Library and Google’s ad-transparency archive, searched by name — a search, so same-named others may appear in the results.
Bills they introduced
55 bills and resolutions sponsored in the 119th Congress — the newest:
S.Res. 833 — A resolution recognizing the 1960 University of Missouri Tigers Football Team for its unde…
Latest action (2026-08-06): Resolution agreed to in Senate without amendment and with a preamble by Unanimous Consent. (consideration: CR …
S.J.Res. 206 — A joint resolution providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, Uni…
Latest action (2026-08-05): Read twice and referred to the Committee on Environment and Public Works.
S. 5253 — A bill to amend the Food, Agriculture, Conservation, and Trade Act of 1990 to prioritize e…
Latest action (2026-08-05): Read twice and referred to the Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry.
Latest action (2026-07-14): Read twice and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.
From the Congress.gov API, as of 2026-08-08. Latest actions are quoted from the record — most introduced bills die in committee, and that is part of the record too.
These are the major bills this site tracks line by line — not a full voting record. A member casts hundreds of votes a Congress; these 3 are the ones whose spending has been extracted and cited from the enacted text.
Every date links to the official roll call for Schmitt’s own chamber. “Did not vote” is not “absent” — the record shows no vote was cast and gives no reason, which is often illness, travel or a paired vote. Nothing on this table is counted toward or against Schmitt’s grade.
What Schmitt voted to fund
These pies aggregate the largest verified spending items — appropriations and mandatory outlays — in the bills Schmitt cast a recorded vote on, sliced by category, every dollar quoted from the bill text. Authorizations, guarantee ceilings and pay-fors are excluded, exactly as on the bill pages. This shows what the bills contained, by Schmitt’s own votes — not a claim that Schmitt wrote the spending or that it did or didn’t work. Every dollar in these pies is quoted from the bill text and cited, item by item, on the bill’s own page.
The remaining 38 items are quoted in full on the bill pages.
Federal spending during Schmitt’s current term
Total U.S. federal outlays for each fiscal year of Schmitt’s current term. This is the whole federal budget — mostly Social Security, Medicare, defense, interest on the debt, and prior commitments — not money Schmitt personally directed. A president proposes and Congress appropriates; no single official controls it.
Nominal dollars — not adjusted for inflation. Bar lengths compare dollars of different years, so a longer bar can be higher prices rather than more spending. Do not read these bars as a real trend.
FY23
$6.13T74% in term−$1.69T deficit
FY24
$6.74T−$1.82T deficit
FY25
$7.01T−$1.77T deficit
Source: OMB Historical Tables, Table 1.1 (Summary of Receipts, Outlays, and Surpluses or Deficits: 1789-present) · figures · compiled Aug. 8, 2026. Fiscal years run Oct–Sep, so they do not line up with the start of a term — marked above with the share that fell inside this term.
Closed fiscal years published for this term so far: FY2023–FY2025. FY2026 closes Sept. 30, 2026 and OMB has not published it. A short chart here means the term is young and the series stops at the last closed year — not that spending stopped.
How Schmitt is graded
A senator’s constituency is the whole state, so Schmitt is graded on the same verified state outcomes as the governor — measured as the change on their watch versus the other 49 states, capped because influence is shared with 99 colleagues, the governor and a world economy — blended with the one thing we can measure of what they personally control: how far the legislation they sponsor actually moves. Voting alignment and attendance are defined in the rubric but reserved, not counted, so no vote of theirs is in this grade today. Every part decomposes on the card above, and the “measured” figure says how much of the grade is real versus still reserved.
Legislative Effectiveness Scores come from the Center for Effective Lawmaking, which benchmarks each chamber’s average to 1.0. Voting statistics come from GovTrack. The Honesty ledger — promises matched against this member’s votes — publishes only with an evidence trail and two agreeing human reviews.