U.S. Senator, Oklahoma · Republican · in office since March 24, 2026
Alan Armstrong
U.S. Senator · Oklahoma · Republican · in the Senate since March 2026
Chamber
Senate
not yet gradeable
Oklahoma outcomes during their Senate service
Category
Latest
Score vs. peers
Education scale score
264.5 ’24
Too early
Air quality AQI
44 ’24
Too early
Water quality % of systems with a violation
8.8 ’25
Too early
Unemployment %
3.4 ’25
Too early
Health coverage % of adults 18-64 uninsured
14.1 ’24
Too early
Tax burden % of personal income
5.0 ’24
Too early
Energy cost cents/kWh
12.2 ’24
Too early
Cost of living index, US=100
87.8 ’24
Too early
Homicide age-adjusted deaths per 100,000
7.2 ’24
Too early
Teen births per 1,000 females 15-19
19.6 ’24
Too early
Wellbeing mean poor-mental-health days of 30
5.6 ’24
Too early
Obesity % of adults
36.8 ’24
Too early
Early literacy % of 4th-graders below basic
46.4 ’24
Too early
Gun deaths age-adjusted deaths per 100,000
19.1 ’24
Too early
Food-aid access index (higher = easier access)
0.9 ’23
Too early
Jobless-benefit access % of unemployed receiving UI
15.6 ’24
Too early
No Oklahoma metric yet has a long enough series inside Armstrong’s Senate service to score a trend, so the levels above are context and carry no σ. “Latest” is a different year by metric (2023–2025); every row states its own. Each row’s window, source and last-checked date are behind its ? button.
Their own record
Value
Legislative effectiveness LES · chamber avg = 1.0
Data pending
Missed votes lifetime, all service (GovTrack)
0.0%
Ideology 0 = left · 1 = right · 119th Congress sponsorship analysis (GovTrack)
0.53
Promises kept
In human review
A senator’s constituency is the whole state, so they are scored on the same verified state outcomes as the governor — ranked against other senators — alongside their own legislative record. Influence is shared with 99 colleagues and the governor; the score shows relative movement, not sole credit. Methodology v2.5
The national debt on their watch
context — not this member’s grade
When Armstrong first took office in 2026, the federal debt stood at $37.64 trillion (end of fiscal 2025; Treasury). As of 2026-08-06 it is $39.89 trillion (Treasury, daily). That rise spans presidents, majorities and economies — it belongs to no single member, which is why it is context here and part of no grade. What is Armstrong’s own: their recorded votes when the major fiscal bills came through, beside what the Congressional Budget Office estimated each law would do to deficits.
Total public debt outstanding, fiscal 2025–present, in nominal dollars — no adjustment for inflation or the size of the economy, so early decades understate their era’s burden. Y-axis starts at zero. Source: Treasury.
No recorded votes among the tracked bills that carry a CBO deficit estimate.
Debt figures as of the data refresh on 2026-08-08. These same votes feed the grade’s fiscal-conduct block (10%, methodology v2.5) — the debt itself feeds nothing: it belongs to no single member, and only their own votes are scored. The change is preregistered and dated in the changelog.
The promise ledger
The evidence base for the promise-keeping block of the grade — 25% of the rubric, reserved until Armstrong is gradeable at all; on the card above it appears only as the “Promises kept — In human review” row. What Armstrong said they would do, in their own words, beside what they did. Said-columns hold verbatim quotes only, from dated, linkable sources, and publish only after two agreeing human reviews — the methodology’s bar, and the reason a column may be empty: the bar does not move to fill it.
In their speeches
No promise from a speech has been published for Armstrong. One appears here only as a verbatim quote from a dated transcript, and only after two agreeing human reviews — the column stays empty until something clears that bar. The raw material is public meanwhile: search C-SPAN’s video archive for Armstrong →
In their advertising
None published yet — same bar as speeches. The public archives are searchable now: the Meta Ad Library and Google’s ad-transparency archive, searched by name — a search, so same-named others may appear in the results.
Bills they introduced
1 bill and resolution sponsored in the 119th Congress — the newest:
S. 4944 — American Energy and Mineral Infrastructure Act of 2026
Latest action (2026-06-24): Read twice and referred to the Committee on Environment and Public Works. (text: CR S3206-3214)
From the Congress.gov API, as of 2026-08-08. Latest actions are quoted from the record — most introduced bills die in committee, and that is part of the record too.
How they voted
No recorded votes on the bills this site tracks line by line. The full roll-call record is public at Congress.gov.
No federal fiscal year has closed inside this term yet, so there is no spending chart here. The next one to close is FY2026, on Sept. 30, 2026, and OMB has not published it.
How Armstrong is graded
A senator’s constituency is the whole state, so Armstrong is graded on the same verified state outcomes as the governor — measured as the change on their watch versus the other 49 states, capped because influence is shared with 99 colleagues, the governor and a world economy — blended with the one thing we can measure of what they personally control: how far the legislation they sponsor actually moves. Voting alignment and attendance are defined in the rubric but reserved, not counted, so no vote of theirs is in this grade today. Every part decomposes on the card above, and the “measured” figure says how much of the grade is real versus still reserved.
Legislative Effectiveness Scores come from the Center for Effective Lawmaking, which benchmarks each chamber’s average to 1.0. Voting statistics come from GovTrack. The Honesty ledger — promises matched against this member’s votes — publishes only with an evidence trail and two agreeing human reviews.