U.S. Representative, GA-14 · Republican · in Congress continuously since April 14, 2026
The Executive Summary
Rep. Clay Fuller (R–GA-14) is not yet ranked. One block of the legislator rubric can be measured for Fuller — attendance — and a grade resting on that alone would not be comparable to grades built on the rest, so none is published. The rate itself is on this page. In GA-14, the district Fuller represents: unemployment runs 3.9% against 4.6% nationally; the median household makes $78,969 against $81,604; 10.5% live below the poverty line against 12.1%; 28.8% of adults 25 and over hold a bachelor's degree against 36.8%; and 11.6% carry no health insurance against 8.2% — Census one-year estimates for 2024, describing the place rather than anything Fuller did, and never part of any grade. Ranked by distance from the national figure — counting more unemployment, lower household income, more poverty, fewer degrees and more people uninsured as the harder side — the widest of the 3 gaps on the harder side are health coverage and bachelor's-degree attainment. Crime rates and school results are not published at congressional-district level by any official source, so Georgia's statewide figures appear further down instead. How that compares with the district Fuller took over is a question this page leaves open: congressional lines are redrawn between Congresses, and the 2024 estimates — drawn for the 119th Congress — are the only published one-year vintage on the map this seat sits on today (2021 for the 116th Congress, 2022 and 2023 for the 118th Congress, and 2025 is not published). Differencing two districts that share a number but not a boundary would report a change in a place that did not change, so no district trend is shown here; what can be followed across the years instead is the record itself — votes cast, votes missed, and measures sponsored. Sworn in April 2026, part-way through the 119th Congress, Fuller has missed 0.0% of recorded votes: none of the 205 roll calls the House printed their name on, missing none of them — the best record available, shared with 26 other sitting representatives — a rate over months of service, not the whole Congress. In the 119th Congress, Fuller has sponsored 14 bills and resolutions, spread across 7 of the Congressional Research Service's topic labels; the two largest groups are Crime and Law Enforcement (3 of 14) and Immigration (2 of 14). Set beside the district's widest gaps: of those 14, none is filed under Health, and none under Education. A filing label is where the Research Service shelves a measure so it can be found again — it says what a bill is about as filed, not what it did — and sponsoring is not passing. Read that pairing as a topic match and nothing more. Every figure is drawn from the cited public record; the full breakdown — including what can't yet be measured fairly — is below.
Graded on 0 of 4 components — 0% of the rubric. Every block of the rubric is hatched below: none of them can be measured for Fuller today, so no σ is published. The weight is held back, not handed to something else.
Block score:below chamber middleabovenot scored — no evidence, not a score of zero
Rubric component
Weight
Block score
Into the grade
Their district: how it moved on their watch reserved
no defensible district trend exists yet (redistricting)
33%
—
—
Bills they move (LES) reserved
no verified Legislative Effectiveness Score for this member
40%
—
—
Fiscal votes (CBO-scored laws) reserved
needs recorded votes on at least 3 laws carrying a CBO deficit estimate; 0 so far
13%
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Attendance (missed votes) reserved
attendance is the only block that can be measured for this member so far, and a grade resting on it alone would not be comparable to the others — the rate is published on this page without being scored
13%
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—
A hatched slot is not a bad score, and not a zero. It is weight the rubric set aside because the evidence to fill it does not exist yet, and nothing on this page says which way Fuller would have scored on it. That weight is never redistributed to the blocks we could measure, so no σ is published at all until at least one block can be measured. The weights are preregistered and identical for all representatives — this measures a record against a fixed rubric, not a person’s worth or effort. How the grade works →
Clay Fuller
U.S. Representative · GA-14 (Georgia) · Republican · current term began April 2026
Missed votes 119th Congress only, not lifetime career · “Not Voting” only; “Present” is a recorded position · House Clerk roll callsThe roll call records whether a member voted, never why they did not.
0.0%0 of 205 roll calls
Party-line votes share of their Yea/Nay votes cast with their own party’s majority — agreement with their party, not a left-right position · 119th Congress only, not lifetime career · House Clerk roll calls
93.2%191 of 205 recorded votes
Promises kept
In human review
Georgia context — not this member’s grade
House members represent a district, not the whole state, so state numbers aren’t their grade. District-level scoring is in development. The state’s governor, Brian Kemp, holds the scored executive record.
Scored on their own record; district outcome scoring is in development. Methodology v3.0
The district, as context — where Fuller starts from
GA-14’s own numbers from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (2024 one-year estimates), each beside the national figure. These are levels, not trends — they describe the district a member answers to, not anything the member did — so they are context only and never enter Fuller’s grade.
Category
GA-14
United States
Unemployment rate
3.9%
4.6%
Median household income
$78,969
$81,604
People below the poverty line
10.5%
12.1%
Bachelor's degree or higher (adults 25+)
28.8%
36.8%
No health insurance
11.6%
8.2%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2024 1-year estimates, by congressional district. ACS figures are survey estimates and carry margins of error. Crime rates and tax burden are not in this table because no official source publishes either at the congressional-district level — the statewide figures below are the closest honest substitute, and that gap is stated here rather than filled with an estimate.
Georgia, as context
Fuller represents a district; where the Census publishes district-level figures they appear above, and this table is the wider picture — Georgia’s statewide numbers: the latest verified level for each scored category, shared by the whole delegation, the governor and a legislature. Some of these (crime, tax burden) exist only statewide — no official source publishes them by district. Context only — none of this enters Fuller’s grade. The trends, scores and sources live on the Georgia page.
Category
Latest statewide figure
Year
Air quality
44 AQI
2024
Cost of living
96.29 index, US=100
2024
Early literacy
40.6 % of 4th-graders below basic
2024
Education
268.7 scale score
2024
Energy cost
14.08 cents/kWh
2024
Food-aid access
0.79 index (higher = easier access)
2023
Gun deaths
17.6 age-adjusted deaths per 100,000
2024
Health coverage
15.16 % of adults 18-64 uninsured
2024
Homicide
9.2 age-adjusted deaths per 100,000
2024
Jobless-benefit access
16.42 % of unemployed receiving UI
2024
Obesity
35.37 % of adults
2024
School shootings
17 people killed or wounded
2024
Tax burden
4.78 % of personal income
2024
Teen births
16 per 1,000 females 15-19
2024
Unemployment
3.4 %
2025
Water quality
2.86 % of systems with a violation
2025
Wellbeing
5.1 mean poor-mental-health days of 30
2024
The national debt on their watch
context — not this member’s grade
When Fuller first entered Congress in 2026, in the House, the federal debt stood at $37.64 trillion (end of fiscal 2025; Treasury). As of 2026-09-17 it is $40.09 trillion (Treasury, daily). That rise spans presidents, majorities and economies — it belongs to no single member, which is why it is context here and part of no grade. What is Fuller’s own: their recorded votes when the major fiscal bills came through, beside what the Congressional Budget Office estimated each law would do to deficits.
Total public debt outstanding, fiscal 2025–present, in nominal dollars — no adjustment for inflation or the size of the economy, so early decades understate their era’s burden. Y-axis starts at zero. Source: Treasury. Shaded spans and dashed marks (dated on the rail below the chart): exogenous events — recessions as dated by the NBER, the COVID-19 emergency as dated by the WHO, and NOAA-recorded $100B+ hurricanes — the outlier years are theirs, not any one officeholder's.
No recorded votes among the tracked bills that carry a CBO deficit estimate.
Debt figures as of the data refresh on 2026-09-21. These same votes feed the grade’s fiscal-conduct block (10%, methodology v2.5) — the debt itself feeds nothing: it belongs to no single member, and only their own votes are scored. The change is preregistered and dated in the changelog.
Integrity Record
facts from official records — not a score
No checkable commitment by Fuller has been tested by a recorded vote in the harvested window. This panel holds facts, not a score: what Fuller committed to on the record in words a computer can test, what their name was formally on, and what evenly-bipartisan bodies or courts have found — each line beside the record it rests on. Honesty is not numerically scored on this site; adjudicated findings, when final, cap the grade under a preregistered rule. Read the full rulebook.
1. Checkable commitments
spoken floor pledges a computer can test — window 2026-03-01 to 2026-08-31
No checkable commitment from Fuller compiled in this window. 2 pledge-shaped sentences by Fuller were harvested and excluded with published reason codes (hedged, no named bill, reported speech, and the like) — excluded means the computer could not test it, not that it was broken or kept. A commitment appears here only when it names its own test — a specific bill, in the sentence itself — and the test can be read from a recorded vote or the bill’s official record. Vague promises are listed in the site-wide exceptions feed, never rated.
Transparency context: Fuller spoke ~839 attributed words on the floor in this window, with 23.84 pledge-shaped sentences per 10,000 words. Strategic silence is visible here without being scored.
2. Name-vote consistency
formal endorsements vs. final-passage votes, same text only
No qualifying endorsement-vote pair for Fuller in the 119th Congress so far. Qualifying is rare by design: the pair counts only when the text at the vote is essentially the text they signed, and committee amendment breaks that on most bills that reach the floor — every excluded pair is in the public exceptions feed with its reason.
3. Adjudicated record
findings by courts and evenly-bipartisan bodies — the only tier that can cap a grade
Record search: 1 of 6 sources connected — House and Senate discipline votes (roll-call record). Not yet connected: Federal court judgments (deception statutes, ADJ-3 map); House Ethics Committee public reports; Senate Select Committee on Ethics public actions; FEC enforcement (MURs with admission or knowing-and-willful finding); GAO / Inspectors General findings naming members. Within the connected sources, Fuller has 0 qualifying events (as does every member — no adjudication event has scored site-wide). A final Tier 1 finding caps the overall grade at F, Tier 2 at C−, Tier 3 at B — caps only, never bonuses, under preregistered rule ADJ-7.
What this panel measures: matches between Fuller’s formal signed acts, spoken checkable commitments, and the official record — plus findings by courts and evenly-bipartisan bodies. What it does not measure: truthfulness of speech in general, campaign promises, effort that leaves no record, or motive. Items the rules cannot decide from records are excluded and listed, never guessed. Dispute anything: challenge@politicalgrades.com.
recorded on 0 of 30 tracked laws · 14 measures filed
Two different kinds of record sit below and they are not interchangeable. The first is a recorded vote on a law that passed, whose dollars this site has read out of the enacted text and quoted line by line. The second is a measure Fuller filed — a document introduced, which most often goes no further than a committee referral. A vote is not authorship: nothing here says Fuller wrote the spending in any of these laws, and nothing here says the money did or did not work. And a filed bill carries no verified money breakdown at all — this site has read exactly 31 bills line by line, and a measure outside that 31 appears below as a title and a filing label, nothing more.
The tracked laws — Fuller’s recorded position, and where the money went
H.R. 7148Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2026not yet in Congress$2.15T
Continuous service began April 14, 2026; the last chamber vote on this law was Feb. 3, 2026.
H.R. 5895Energy and Water, Legislative Branch, and Military Construction and Veterans Affairs Appropriations Act, 2019 (Public Law 115-244)not yet in Congress$266.2B
Continuous service began April 14, 2026; the last chamber vote on this law was Sept. 13, 2018.
Recorded on 0 of 30. Every one of these roll calls was taken before Fuller was in Congress, so those rows are an absence of opportunity, not an absence of Fuller. The bars divide each law’s tracked spending — the dollar figures written into the enacted text as exact amounts — which is not the same as the law’s fiscal size; authorisations, ceilings and pay-fors are excluded, and every category is quoted, item by item, on the bill’s own page — each category name under a bar links straight to its cited items there. Colours follow each bill’s own pie, so a category is the same colour here and on the bill page. 31 bills have been read line by line here; 30 of them carry a recorded roll call. H.R. 4820 was reported by committee and never enacted, so no member holds a position on it.
What none of this can tell you is your state’s share. Not one of the 967 verified spending line items across the 31 bills read line by line here names a state, and none states an allocation formula: the enacted text appropriates to accounts and programmes, not to places. Any per-state figure on this page would therefore have to be modelled by us, and a modelled number under a state flag is not a sourced number. So it is not published, and the gap is printed instead.
What Fuller filed in the 119th Congress
Fuller filed 14 bills and resolutions in the 119th Congress, catalogued by the Congressional Research Service under 7 filing labels. A policy area is a library catalogue term describing what a measure is about as filed. It is not evidence that anything was addressed, improved or affected — and none of these measures carries a money breakdown on this site.
CRS policy area
Measures filed
Share of Fuller’s 14
Crime and Law Enforcement
3
21%
Immigration
2
14%
Law
2
14%
Commerce
1
7%
Congress
1
7%
Government Operations and Politics
1
7%
Social Welfare
1
7%
Not yet catalogued by CRS
3
21%
Denominator: Fuller’s own 14 sponsored measures, of which 11 carried a CRS label when the source was built and 3 did not — measures CRS had not yet catalogued, not measures about nothing. Sponsoring is not passing, and volume is not effort. Filing labels come from the Congressional Research Service via the govinfo BILLSTATUS bulk data, as of Sept. 20, 2026; the same totals are read independently from the Congress.gov API and the two pipelines agree on all 531 of 531 members compared. The newest of these measures, each linked to congress.gov with its latest action quoted, are listed in the promise ledger above rather than repeated here.
Became law under Fuller’s own number: 0 of 10 law-eligible measures (bills and joint resolutions; simple and concurrent resolutions cannot become law). Congress routinely enacts a measure’s text by folding it into another vehicle, and that enactment is credited to the vehicle’s sponsor, not to this one. A low count — or zero — is therefore not evidence of failure and is not printed as one here.
The 43-day shutdown — Fuller’s record
Funding lapsed at midnight October 1, 2025 and ended November 12, 2025 — 43 days, the longest federal shutdown on record. Congress’s appropriations power makes funding the government its own duty, shared by every member — so every member’s page carries the same record: their recorded votes on H.R. 5371, the funding bill, on both sides of the lapse.
whether to accept the Senate's version and send the bill to the President
Nov. 12, 2025
not yet in Congress
Passed; signed November 12, 2025
Positions from the chamber’s own roll-call record, staged only after the parsed tallies matched the officially published results exactly. The record states who voted how; it does not assign blame — that judgment is the reader’s.
No federal fiscal year has closed inside this term yet, so there is no spending chart here. The next one to close is FY2026, on Sept. 30, 2026, and OMB has not published it.
How Fuller is graded
Fuller is not yet graded. A representative serves a district, not a state, and no honest district-level outcome trend exists yet — so the rubric grades only what can be measured of a member’s own work, and none of it can be measured for Fuller today: the bills block needs a completed-Congress Legislative Effectiveness Score, and the fiscal block needs at least three recorded votes on CBO-scored laws. Once either exists, it will be measured and the card above will say how much of the grade is real. Voting alignment and attendance are defined in the rubric but reserved, not counted.The state’s numbers appear above as plain context — latest statewide levels, never folded into a grade — until district-level scoring ships.
Legislative Effectiveness Scores come from the Center for Effective Lawmaking, which benchmarks each chamber’s average to 1.0. The missed-vote and party-line figures are computed by this site from the roll calls the Clerk of the House publishes: every roll call the chamber printed this member’s name on, for this Congress only, with the numerator and denominator shown beside each rate. The roll call records whether a member voted, never why they did not. Independent trackers of the same record are worth reading beside ours — a figure nobody can check against anything is worth less than one that survives comparison: this member on GovTrack, which has tracked Congress independently since 2004 and computes its own figures on its own definitions, so its numbers will not always match these. The Honesty ledger — promises matched against this member’s votes — publishes only with an evidence trail and two agreeing human reviews.